The following article is originally published by our partners at Duke East Asia Nexus
TRANSCRIPTION: Rui Wang
TRANSLATION: Emily Feng
冯哲芸: 我想问这种太阳花学运是抗议什么的,我觉得有的时候这种抗议有点分散,我看新闻的时候不完全了解他们的需求是什么。
Emily: What are the Sunflower students protests about? The protests seem a little scattered, and even from the [English] news, I do not fully understand what the protestors’ requests are.
廖云章: 他们的抗议有几个方向,一开始的时候他们是反对现在台湾政府要和中国政府签订的两岸服务贸易协定,因为这个服务贸易协定整个立法审查的过程中没有那么透明。(抗议)爆发的原因是国民党立委张庆忠在很短的时间内,在30秒之内,快速通过了一读,二读,还有三读,当然这个其实是有争议的。当时学生已经在立法院场外静坐抗议了,所以当他们知道场内出现这样的消息之后,他们在很短的时间内决定了要冲进议场,占领议会。所以(这个事件)它的背景就是针对这个法案的黑箱操作,里面的不透明程序,以及各种争议。他们虽然组织过很多次公听会,可是实际上并没有得到社会的共识,就是争议还是非常的多。
Liao Yun Zhang : Their protests have several aspects. At first, they were protesting the Taiwan government services trade agreements signed with the Chinese government, because the whole process of legislative review of trade agreements in this agreement was not very clear. The reason (the protests) broke out was because the KMT legislators Ching-Chung Chang, in a very short time, within 30 seconds, quickly passed the first review and second review. There were supposed to be three reviews, though of course, this fact is disputed. At this time, the students had already started the sit-in protest outside the Legislative Building, so when they heard of the news [of the treaty ratification], they very quickly decided to storm the building and occupy the legislative conclave.
So (these events) happened against the background of the “black-box” operation of this bill, the opaque procedures, and other controversies. Although the legislators organized many public hearings, they effectively still haven’t achieved community consensus, and there still remains a lot of controversy.
冯哲芸: 也就是说他们还是在抗议黑箱,这样一个不透明的政策?
Emily: So they are still protesting this “black box” opaque policy?
廖云章:一开始是学生和一些NGO团体的抗议,但是因为他们攻占立法院之后,消息传播出去,政府也发动了非常多的警察去包围他们。他们的行为吸引了更多人的同情,理解和支持。学生在这里,警察包围学生,之后又有更多的人包围警察,局势就变得有一点僵持住了,维持到现在。今天早晨他们就已经撤退了,已经维持了21天。那么他们的主要诉求是退回这个争议的法案,然后重新在制定一个监督的条例,在未来两岸之间类似的议题必须通过监督机制以后再进行审查,不能直接像这个样子。
廖云章: At first, it was students and a few NGOs that protested, but after they occupied the Legislative Building, the message spread, and the government also sent a very large number of police to surround the protestors. The protestors’ behavior attracted more peoples’ sympathy, understanding, and support. The students were here (the Legislative Building), police surrounded the students, and then there are more people surrounding the police. This morning they have already retreated having already maintained the occupation for 21 days. Their main appeal is to repeal to the controversial bill and then develop new regulations between the two sides (China and Taiwan) so that in the future, similar issues will have further review by oversight mechanisms and not be handled like this way again.
冯哲芸: 那我的了解是,他们刚开始是抗议这个协定,后来他们的要求又变化了一点?
Emily: My understanding is that at the beginning, the students were protesting the trade agreement, but then their demands evolved?
廖云章:他们刚开始时要求退回协定,后来在(立法院)里面就讨论出来了几个要求。也不算有变化,而是围绕着退回协定的事情发展出来的策略与论述。具体就是退回协定,重新定一个新的条例,并且要求国会和总统,要求总统出来道歉。不过你可以说这是一连串的要求,没有什么特别的东西,也许比原来的诉求再多了一些。因为在整个发展过程中,他们也是不断地和政府喊话,希望可以有一些协商。可是几次会谈都破局了,包括和总统,和行政院长谈话也都破局。
廖云章: At first, they requested a repeal of the treaty. Later (after their discussion while occupying the Legislature), several more requests emerged. They are not really changes, but more nuanced and developed strategies and discourse around their main goal, which include repealing the trade agreement, create new regulations, and requiring the parliament and the president to come out and apologize. But you can say that this is series of requirements and nothing special, though perhaps they are now asking for more things than what they did previously. Because in the whole process, they are also constantly in talks with the government in the hope that there can be some negotiation. But these talks have all collapsed, including talks with the president and the premier that have broken down.
冯哲芸:你觉得这种抗议和美国的占领运动(Occupy Movement)相同吗?
Emily: : Do you think this protest movement and the American Occupy Movement have similarities?
廖云章:有些相同有些不同,比如说美国的占领华尔街运动,我觉得它也是一样谈贫富差距问题,因为主要抗议服贸协定(的原因是),也是担心通过之后会对一些大资本商人在短期内会有一些帮助,但是很快会冲击到一些中小型商业行为以及弱势的劳工和人民。和占领华尔街的概念有一些相像。但是这个占领运动最特别的一点,也是我目前所知道的全世界的占领运动中最特别的一点,就是他们非常有秩序。我自己到过现场几次,非常有秩序,非常干净。在占领过程中进行了很多的内部教育,他们有很多的论坛与讨论,包括在现场的秩序的维持和资源的处理,使每一个在现场得到人都得到了很好地照顾。他们最后在撤离的时候,他们把场内场外都有处理,回收做得非常仔细。他们这种秩序又引起了民众更多的同情,所以他们的集资很多。现场有很多免费的食物,免费的咖啡,各式各样的东西一直有人源源不绝的送进去。他们在里面也有自我教育,很多大学生说在里面学到的东西比在学校课本上学到的还要多。回来还要挑战老师,问他们对这个事情,对目前的政治形态有什么看法。
Liao Yun Zhang: There are some similarities and also some differences with the U.S. Occupy Wall Street movement. For example, the Occupy Movement also discussed the problem of wealth inequality, because although the [Taiwanese] protests are primarily protesting the trade agreement, they also worry that the passage of this treaty will help some big businesses in the short term but quickly hurt small and medium business practices and vulnerable workers in the long term. This concept and Occupy Wall Street has some resemblance.
But the most exceptional thing about the Taiwanese occupation, and according to my understanding of occupy movements around the world, is that they are very orderly. I myself have been to the site several times, and it is very orderly and very clean. In the course of the occupation, they hosted a lot of internal education, forums, and discussions. Including the orderly maintenance of the protests and resource management, each person at the site has been well-cared for. They even maintained the area outside of the protests and were very careful to recycle. This kind of order caused people to be very sympathetic to the movement, which is why they could fundraise a lot. There was lot of free food on site, free coffee, and a variety of things people sent endlessly. They also facilitated “self-education” inside the protests, and many students said they learned more there than from their school textbooks. And When they returned [to school], they even challenged the teacher and asked them what opinions they had toward the current political situation.
冯哲芸:你说他们今天刚刚撤退,那你觉得他们抗议的前途会怎么样?
Emily: You said the students just retreated today. What do you think the future prospects of the protests will be?
廖云章: 他们现在有一个口号,就是要“出关播种”。你来讲讲
Liao Yun Zhang: They now have a slogan – “we exit, but the seeds are sown.”
張正: 现在好像改成“遍地开花”。
Chang Cheng: Now it seems to have been changed to “let flowers bloom everywhere.”
廖云章:他们希望把在这二十一天累积的正能量,在离开立法院,回到各自的领域中以后去播种。
Liao Yun Zhang: They want to put this positive energy that they have accumulated after twenty-one days to return to their own “fields to sow” and spread this energy after leaving the Legislature.
莫书草: 那你觉得太阳花运动会对中国政府产生什么样的影响呢?
Shucao: What do you think Sunflowers Movement’s impact on the Chinese government will be?
張正: 你是说这个运动对和中国政府的协议吗?现在看起来不会有影响,因为已经签好了。
Chang Cheng: Are you saying what will the effect be on the Chinese trade agreement? Right now it looks like there won’t be much change, because it has already been signed.
莫书草: 但在未来的谈判有什么影响吗?
Shucao: But will the movement have an effect on future negotiations?
張正: 未来还有一个货物贸易协定,我不打算推测政府会怎么做,照理说在国内反弹的声音很大,跟中国政府谈的时候会更强硬一些,不然回国不好交代。可是现在马英九政府的做法,我们也猜不到。所以感觉可能还是一样吧,因为现在被抗议的服贸协定,对于马政府来讲,他们觉得还是好的,一直在说利大于弊。可能事实也是如此,一面有利一面有弊。现在是对自己有弊的人出来抗议,但是有利的一边,这些人本来就是比较有声音的,大企业家,跟国民党政府的利益是绑在一起的。所以我觉得方向还是往这边谈,国共贸易协定还是会谈好的。大陆也不会说因为台湾内部争执就真的不理台湾了。北京应该不会说你们台湾不要签就算了。所以服务贸易协定,以后的货物贸易协定,还有投资保障协定应该还是会继续的,不会有太大影响。
Chang Cheng: There is a Commodities Trade Agreement pending in the future (the current contested one is limited to service industries). Although I do not intend to speculate what the [Taiwanese] government would do, theoretically speaking, if there were strong domestic backlash, the Taiwanese government would be more unyielding when negotiating with the Chinese government, in order to cater to the public opinion. But we cannot guess right now what the approach of the Ma (Ma Ying-jeou, President of Taiwan) government will be. So my feeling is that things will probably be the same, because according to the Ma government all along, the trade services agreement being protested would bring more benefit than harm. This may be true, with one side capturing the gains and one side suffering the losses. Right now, it’s those who would lose that are protesting, but the ones that stand to gain, notably big corporations, already had influence and are tied up with the Kuomingtang Party. So my predictions favor this faction; the national trade agreement will still remain. It’s not as if the mainland will ignore Taiwan just because of there are domestic quarrels within Taiwan; Beijing shouldn’t write Taiwan off because it wouldn’t sign [the agreement]. Therefore, future trade goods agreements and investment protection agreements will not end, and there will not be much change.
廖云章:因为其实台湾的大部分民意还是认为台湾是必须要开放的,他们并不反对自由贸易。你不可能说跟全世界都签,就不跟中国签。只是说在这个事情以后,未来在跟中国签署类似协定的时候必须考量经济之外的其他因素。
Liao Yun Zhang: Actually, because the majority of public opinion in Taiwan is that Taiwan must be economically open, they do not oppose free trade. You cannot engage with the whole world with the exception of China. This is just to say that after the Sunflower Movement, when signing future agreements of this kind with China, it is necessary to take into consideration factors beyond just economic ones.
冯哲芸: 在这个活动中,记者的参与是怎样的?
Emily: What have journalist’ involvement been like in the Sunflower Movement?
張正:我们两个没有直接参与,在这个活动记者的参与,之前有个报道还在说,台湾的记者“统”“独”还是分的挺清楚的。就是亲中和反中的,亲中的有旺中集团“三中”:中天,中视和中时。另外一边主要支持台独的,这两个立场还是蛮清楚的。一边就是说学运是捣蛋,一边说学运是英雄,在台湾媒体上都有同时出现。另外比较特别的就是苹果日报,他们在做壹电视,壹传媒。他们就是相对独立,不搞统独只搞钱而已(笑)。在这次他们的立场是比较倾向学运的,说这个是好事,比较支持他,讲的还蛮煽情的。昨天有一篇评论是我同学写的,如果主流媒体来说的话,在这个事情之前都是很浅薄的报道,便利贴式的报道,说你是卖台的。随便贴标签,尽可能快速的贴标签,贴了标签之后就好报道,说你就是中共的同路人,或者你就是台独,后面的论述就很简单,说你做什么都是为了卖台或者怎样,不太去分析。实际上在这次活动里比较值得看的是个人媒体兴趣。
Chang Cheng: The two of us are not directly involved in participating in the movement. Before there was even a report that “pro-unification” journalists and pro-”independence” journalists were split pretty clearly. Of the pro and opposition factions, among the pro faction there is the Wang Wang China Times media group which owns the “three”: China Sky, China TV, and the China Times. On the other side are those that support Taiwanese independence, and these two positions are very clearly defined. One side says the student movement is trouble-making, while the other says they are heroes. These two viewpoints appear in Taiwanese media simultaneously. Apple Daily is notable because it does both television and print media. They are relatively independent but don’t deal with the issue of independence or unification; they only deal with money (laughs). On this issue they’ve been more inclined towards the student movement, saying this is a good thing, supporting them, and in a pretty emotionally provocative way. Yesterday a former classmate wrote a piece of commentary. If we’re talking about mainstream media, most of the reports have been rather superficial while other reports accuse the protests of selling out Taiwan. They are quick to label, and once you label, it makes it easy to report. You are either with the Chinese Communist Party or you are for Taiwanese independence. Consequently, the commentary has been rather basic without much analysis. Really, what is only worth reading about the movement is in individual media.
廖云章:大陆说是自媒体,也不属于social media,更像是个人的评论或者是blogger。
Liao Yun Zhang: He means more individual media, which is not truly social media. This is more like blogging.
張正:这种评论反而会比较深,它不见得会在主流媒体上去传播,是个人评论,但是比较深,看的也挺累的(笑)(A:一次写个六七千字这样的)。因为这个活动被全台湾关注,这种长篇评论也比较有人看。因为大家都想搞懂,像我们自己都不太清楚什么是服贸。会被拿来当做“服冒热饮”。
Chang Cheng: These commentaries are relatively more in-depth and will not necessarily be distributed in mainstream media. They’re individual commentaries, very in-depth but also very tiring to read (laughs).
Liao Yun Zhang: They’ll write articles six or seven thousand words long, for example.
Chang Cheng: Because this protest is concerning Taiwan, there are many people reading these commentaries. Everyone wants to understand, and we all do not fully understand what exactly is what trade services is. These individual commentaries will be used as “服冒热饮.” (fumao reyin).
廖云章:台湾有一种很有名的药,专门治过敏的,就叫做“服冒”,所以现在很多人就说“我感冒,但我不吃服冒”
Liao Yun Zhang: There is a famous Taiwanese medicine that is called “服冒,” (fumao), so now a lot of people say, “I have a cold, but I will not take “服冒.”
張正:“服冒”就是制服感冒的意思。所以媒体和这个的关系,我觉得媒体本来就是这个样子,在美国也是,轻薄的媒体都比较多,赶快做出来一个新闻报道,赶快做出来一个Twitter/Facebook新闻。这个事情我觉得已经拉的够久,再出这种短的新闻已经没有什么人来看,有点无聊。因为他卷入了足够多的关注,所以有很多专家就出来写一些比较深的东西。像很多人静坐在那边,坐久了也没什么事情,所以就去关注一下。他开始去一定是因为激情,冲动,不管是为了什么就跑过去,或者是为了朋友。去了以后如果说要在那边坐三个钟头,坐三天,你除了聊天打牌之外,可能还是会看一些认真的东西,这个是好事。所以这种个人的评论,我们也认为是媒体。
Chang Cheng: ““服冒” is to treat colds. The media’s connection to this…I think the media is just like that, very much as it is in the United States. There is a lot of superficial media which very quickly came out with a news report and published Twitter and Facebook news. I think this thing has been dragged out long enough so there aren’t many people reading this media anymore and find it a bit boring. Because there are enough people that became involved and are paying enough attention, many experts began to write some deeper stuff. With so many people sitting out there, after a while there is not much to do, and they began to care more. They began protesting because they were enthusiastic and impulsive, and not really caring what the protests were about, ran over, sometimes to join friends. After sitting there for three whole days, other than chatting or playing cards, they will still probably read some stuff, which is a good thing. So this kind of individual commentary I consider true media.
廖云章:像我们有遇到一些学生,他们从第一天就进到议场里面,所以他每天就在写议场里面发生的事情。他的角度就完全是局内人的角度在叙述正在经历的过程。像这种自媒体的报道可能就比媒体的片段式的报道更加深入。虽然他可能是完全,非常主观的第一手的意见。
Liao Yun Zhang: We have encountered some students who entered the legislature on the first day and began documenting what was happening daily inside. Their perspective is entirely of one insider as they narrate what is transpiring. These kinds of individual media reports are probably more in-depth than the fragmented reports of mainstream media, though these individual media reports are completely subjective and opinionated.
張正:主流媒体我觉得跟(报道)其他活动没有什么大的区别,一样就是要不然很支持,要不然很反对。事情没有什么进展以后,就开始报道“太阳花女神”。有穿得很漂亮很辣的女生,大家就一直报道这个女生,然后说男生领袖是一个帅哥。
Chang Cheng: I think mainstream media behaved just the same way as it did regarding other events. Their tones are either completely in support or completely opposed to the movement. When the protests didn’t develop much, the mainstream media started to report on the “Sunflower Goddesses.” They were these pretty girls wearing very hot clothing, and everyone continuously reported on these girls. Then began to say the male leader of the protests was very handsome.
冯哲芸:“太阳花学运”的名字有什么意义?太阳花有什么更深的意思吗?
Emily: What meaning does the “Sunflower Student Movement” have? What is the significance of the name? Is there a deeper meaning?
張正:就是跟着太阳走呗。
Chang Cheng: It mirrors the chant to follow the sun.
廖云章:因为当时有人送向日葵给议场里面,后来他们就这样定调了。
Liao Yun Zhang: It was because there was someone inside the meeting that sent a sunflower inside the legislative building which set the tone for the movement.
張正:台湾的社会运动,刚才有讲。因为太阳花是一直被当做很正面的花,表示我们一直要向着太阳,朝向光明。那么这一次的活动,因为一开始就是要反对“黑箱”,反对密室和黑暗的事物,所以他们就找了一个与之相对的太阳花。好像说太阳花很好种的样子。
Chang Cheng: Sunflowers have always been very positive flowers. They represent always facing the sun, towards the light. This movement at its very beginning was specifically to oppose “black box” policies and in general, secretive and obscured things, so they found a flower that faces the sun.
張正: 我觉得太阳花就是这样一个意思,在台湾的社会运动一直都有把太阳花当做。。。
Chang Cheng: I think sunflowers are just like that. In Taiwanese social movements, sunflowers have always been…
廖云章:当做一个意象,游行的时候经常会拿出这个花,或者做成这样一个样子 。(B:只是这一次)他又再度被拿出来。
Liao Yun Zhang: …been an image, during parades they will always take out a type of flower.
張正:而且因为他这个支持的人蛮多的,就是刚刚说的有一天,有花店老板送了非常多的太阳花,人手一只太阳花。(A:好像送了五千只)有这样一个花系列,从“茉莉花革命”,大家都想弄一个花。台湾从前也有“野百合”,在二十五年前,八九民运,天安门事件之后的一年,台湾也有一个类似的学生运动(1990.3.16-1990.3.22)当时叫做“野百合花”。其实前六年台湾有一个“野草莓”。
Chang Cheng: And because a good number of people in support, they was a florist shop owner who sent many sunflowers
Liao Yun Zhang: I think they sent 5,000 sunflowers.
Chang Cheng: Ever since the “Jasmine Revolution,” everyone wants to have a flower. Taiwan had a “White Lily” movement. In 1989, the year of Tiananmen, Taiwan also had a similar student movement (1990.3.16-1990.3.22). At the time, it was called the “White Lily Flower” [movement]. Actually six years ago Taiwan had a “Wild Strawberry” [movement].
廖云章:不过“野草莓”的概念是因为那个时候台湾的年轻人常常被指责为“草莓族”。说他们很漂亮但是很脆弱,一捏就扁。所以台湾年轻人就出来说我们是草莓没错,但是我们是野草莓,我们是有力量的,不是那种很烂的草莓。
Liao Yun Zhang: The “Wild Strawberry” concept came about, because at that time, Taiwanese youth were criticized for being “strawberry people.” They said young people were very pretty but very fragile; as soon as you pinched them they wilted. So Taiwanese youth came out and said, “We are strawberries, but we are wild strawberries. We have power and are not a kind of rotten strawberries.”
張正:所以就会一直有这样用植物花朵命名的继承。继承茉莉花,野百合,还有从西方从中东借来的概念。所以太阳花本身还好,服贸和太阳花没有直接的关系。
Chang Cheng: This why we have always had this inheritance of plant and flower-named revolutions. Jasmine flowers and white lilies are concepts inherited from the West and the Middle East.
冯哲芸:你觉得未来在台湾,学生会有更强的政治参与吗?在抗议以后。因为在美国就有人批评年轻人,说我们投票是最少的,不关注也不关心政治方面的东西。台湾年轻人也是一样的吗?
Emily: Do you think that in Taiwan’s future, students will have stronger political participation after this protest? In the United States, there are some that criticize young Americans saying that they do not vote and do not pay attention to politics. Are Taiwan’s youth the same?
張正:我觉得这次之后会多一点,因为这次事件影响还蛮深的,对台湾影响算是够深的。20天每天假设现场是一两万人,很多人是从其他地方来到台北。而且今年年底就要选举。
Chang Cheng: I think after this time there will be a bit more participation, because this event’s influence on Taiwan was actually pretty deep; there were 10,000-20,000 people sitting in front of the legislative building for twenty one days, with many coming from other places to Taiwan. Additionally, at the end of the year there will be elections.
廖云章:台湾今年年底有七个选举。所以很多人就是说“出关播种”就是要回去经营你的社区,并且用行动力去改变你的地方政治。我觉得今年的投票率和参与状况应该会更高
Liao Yun Zhang: There are seven elections in Taiwan at the end of this year. Thus, there are many people saying to “leave and sow the seeds,” which is to go back to your community and use the movement’s momentum to change your local politics. I think that this year’s voter turnout and participation rates should be higher.
張正:短期内的影响肯定会变大,我觉得这一届今年2014年底的选举和2016年底的总统选举可能都还是会有影响。因为这一波的扰动,大家会去想要投给谁。可是你要问我长期来看的话,我觉得就像美国的选举制度,这种一人一票的媒体式的选举方式,最后就会选出一个在媒体上很会讲话的,大家还是会觉得这样很无聊,这样没有用。最后(政治热情)慢慢下降。这一次我觉得是因为跟中国的关系,我觉得台湾这边弄得很紧张了,中国我觉得没有什么好紧张的,台湾自己吵来吵去。所以今年年底,明年后年的选举会有影响,年轻人会去投票,可是在之后大家一定会觉得没有什么作用。
Chang Cheng: The short-term impact will certainly become larger. I think this year’s elections and the 2016 presidential elections will probably be affected. Because of this wave of disturbance, we will think carefully about who to vote for. But if what you are asking about is the long-term, I feel that just like the American electoral system with the one person one vote system and media, in the end the person who presents themselves well in media will be elected. Everyone finds this very boring and useless. Eventually, the enthusiasm for politics will slowly decrease. This time, I felt that because there was a connection with China, Taiwan was made very nervous, but China didn’t have much reason to be nervous while Taiwan complained. So this year end, next year’s elections will be impacted and young people will go vote, but afterwards, most people will definitely not feel like there was much change.
張正:我刚看天安门的纪录片的时候,看他们学生在讲,也觉得政府不可能使用暴力。可是我们在台湾都不相信,因为台湾一直在说大陆很坏。(笑) 我比较惊讶的是25年前,像柴玲,王丹他们在天安门抗议的时候,他们坐在那边说军队来驱赶我们的时候大不了就是抬走,跟我们台湾现在的学生想的一样。
Chang Cheng: I just watched the Tiananmen Square documentary, “The Gate of Heavenly Peace,” and heard the students talk, they also did not believe that their government would use violence, though in Taiwan we believed it because we have always said the mainland is bad (laughs). I am more surprised that 25 years ago, like Chai Ling, Wang Dan, when they protested in Tiananmen Square, they sat there, they said when the army came to drive away, they didn’t think it was a big deal. This is exactly the same as what the Taiwanese students thought.
張正:说政府引诱学生去做这样的事情,有这样的说法,但是这个很难去证实。也有说空城计一样,让你进来。你进来就违法了,我就可以打你。我刚刚说的不是,我说的很相似的是这些学生都很相信政府。当初天安门的学生很相信政府,相信解放军是人民的子弟兵,所以来赶我们的时候推走就算了。台湾的学生也是蛮相信(政府的)
Chang Cheng: Some say that the government intentionally drew the students to do this kind of thing, but this is difficult to verify. They also say that this is a way to control the protests; they let you come in, then surround you, and then they are justified to beat you because you broke the law. What I was just saying, similarly, was that these students really believed in their government, and they believed the People’s Liberation Army were the on the people’s side. So they didn’t think when the army came to drive them away, much physical harm could be caused. In Taiwan, the students are also very believing of the government.
廖云章:对啊,他们还给人家警察贴小纸条,说警察伯伯辛苦了。他们还做这样的事情。(B:大陆当时也是啊)我后来又看到大陆当时学生还给他们食物不是吗。
Liao Yun Zhang: Right, the Taiwanese students even attached to the police small pieces of paper, saying, “oh police, you have also suffered.” They actually did things like this.
Chang Cheng: They did this during the Tiananmen protests
Liao Yun Zhang: I later saw that in the 1989 protest on the mainland, student also gave the police food, did they not?
張正:是有这个原因,不过我觉得有趣的是那个片子其实讲的够清楚,坐在里面的抗议的其实是好多不同的派系,大家的主张也不一样。
Chang Cheng: That’s true, but I find the most interesting is that the film (“The Gate of Heavenly Peace”) actually speaks clearly to the fact that of those who sat-in to protest, there were actually a lot of different factions, and everyone’s ideas were not the same.
About the Participants
Liao Yun Zhang (廖云章 ) is the acting editor-in-chief at the Lihpao Daily.
Shucao Mo (莫书草) is a senior at Duke University.
Rui Wang is a junior at Duke University and co-director of the China Leadership Summit.
Emily Feng (冯哲芸) is a junior at Duke University. She is president of the Duke East Asia Nexus.